Exactly stated, “Congress shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes.” This clause has no definite interpretation, but has included many aspects of regulating.
Compulsive or treacherous measures to establish any government whatever, willalways excite jealousy among a free people: better remain single and alone, thanblindly adopt whatever a few individuals shall demand, be they ever so wise. Ihad rather be a free citizen of the small republic of Massachusetts, than anoppressed subject of the great American empire. Let all act understandingly ornot at all. If we can confederate upon terms that wilt secure to us ourliberties, it is an object highly desirable, because of its additional securityto the whole. If the proposed plan proves such an one, I hope it will beadopted, but if it will endanger our liberties as it stands, let it be amended;in order to which it must and ought to be open to inspection and free inquiry. The inundation of abuse that has been thrown out upon the heads of those whohave had any doubts of its universal good qualities, have been so redundant,that it may not be improper to scan the characters of its most strenuousadvocates. It will first be allowed that many undesigning citizens may wish itsadoption from the best motives, but these are modest and silent, when comparedto the greater number, who endeavor to suppress all attempts for investigation.
Electronic commerce draws on technologies such as mobile commerce, electronic funds transfer, supply chain management, Internet marketing, online transaction processing, electronic data interchange (EDI), inventory management systems and automated data collection systems....
It includes the definition of social commerce, company history, social commerce strategy that the company is engaging, the effect of social commerce for the company and measuring social commerce success of the company.
E-commerce (or electronic commerce) is defined as the buying and selling of goods and services conducted over electronic systems such as the Internet and other computer networks.
First. To detail the particulars comprehended in the general terms, taxes,duties, imposts and excises, would require a volume, instead of a single piecein a newspaper. Indeed it would be a task far beyond my ability, and to whichno one can be competent, unless possessed of a mind capable of comprehendingevery possible source of revenue; for they extend to every possible way ofraising money, whether by direct or indirect taxation. Under this clause may beimposed a poll tax, a land tax, a tax on houses and buildings, on windows andfireplaces, on cattle and on all kinds of personal property. It extends toduties on all kinds of goods to any amount, to tonnage and poundage on vessels,to duties on written instruments, newspapers, almanacks, and books. Itcomprehends an excise on all kinds of liquors, spirits, wines, cider, beer,etc. , and indeed takes in duty or excise on every necessary or conveniency oflife, whether of foreign or home growth or manufactory. In short, we can haveno conception of any way in which a government can raise money from the people,but what is included in one or other of these general terms. We may say thenthat this clause commits to the hands of the general legislature everyconceivable source of revenue within the United States, Not only are these termsvery comprehensive, and extend to a vast number of objects, but the power to layand collect has great latitude; it will lead to the passing a vast number oflaws, which may affect the personal rights of the citizens of the states, exposetheir property to fines and confiscation, and put their lives in jeopardy. Itopens a door to the appointment of a swarm of revenue and excise collectors toprey upon the honest and industrious part of the community, [and] eat up theirsubstance. . . .
The advocates for this power further urge that it is necessary, because itmay, and probably will happen, that circumstances will render it requisite toraise an army to be prepared to repel attacks of an enemy, before a formaldeclaration of war, which in modern times has fallen into disuse. If theconstitution prohibited the raising an army, until a war actually commenced, itwould deprive the government of the power of providing for the defense of thecountry, until the enemy were within our territory. If the restriction is notto extend to the raising armies in cases of emergency, but only to the keepingthem up, this would leave the matter to the discretion of the legislature, andthey might, under the pretence that there was danger of an invasion, keep up thearmy as long as they judged proper - and hence it is inferred, that thelegislature should have authority to raise and keep up an army without anyrestriction. But from these premises nothing more will follow than this: thatthe legislature should not be so restrained, as to put it out of their power toraise an army, when such exigencies as are instanced shall arise. But it doesnot thence follow, that the government should be empowered to raise and maintainstanding armies at their discretion as well in peace as in war. If indeed, itis impossible to vest the general government with the power of raising troops togarrison the frontier posts, to guard arsenals, or to be prepared to repel anattack, when we saw a power preparing to make one, without giving them a generaland indefinite authority to raise and keep up armies, without any restriction orqualification, then this reasoning might have weight; but this has not beenproved nor can it be.
It is a rule in construing a law to consider the objects the legislature had in view in passing it, and to give it such an explanation as to promote their intention. The same rule will apply in explaining a constitution. The great objects then are declared in this preamble in general and indefinite terms to be to provide for the common welfare, and an express power being vested in the legislature to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution all the powers vested in the general government. The inference is natural that the legislature will have an authority to make all laws which they shall judge necessary for the common safety, and to promote the general welfare. This amounts to a power to make laws at discretion. No terms can be found more indefinite than these, and it is obvious, that the legislature alone must judge what laws are proper and necessary for the purpose. It may be said, that this way of explaining the constitution, is torturing and making it speak what it never intended. This is far from my intention, and I shall not even insist upon this implied power, but join issue with those who say we are to collect the idea of the powers given from the express words of the clauses granting them; and it will not be difficult to show that the same authority is expressly given which is supposed to be implied in the foregoing paragraphs.
It is acknowledged by this writer, that the powers of Congress, under thepresent confederation, amount to little more than that of recommending. If theydetermine to raise troops, they are obliged to effect it through the authorityof the state legislatures. This will, in the first instance, be a most powerfulrestraint upon them, against ordering troops to be raised. But if they shouldvote an army, contrary to the opinion and wishes of the people, the legislaturesof the respective states would not raise them. Besides, the present Congresshold their places at the wilt and pleasure of the legislatures of the states whosend them, and no troops can be raised, but by the assent of nine states out ofthe thirteen. Compare the power proposed to be lodged in the legislature onthis head, under this constitution, with that vested in the present Congress,and every person of the least discernment, whose understanding is not totallyblinded by prejudice, will perceive, that they bear no analogy to each other.
I would ask those, who reason thus, to define what ideas are included under theterms, to provide for the common defense and general welfare? Are these termsdefinite, and will they be understood in the same manner, and to apply to thesame cases by everyone? No one will pretend they will. It will then be matterof opinion, what tends to the general welfare; and the Congress will be the onlyjudges in the matter. To provide for the general welfare, is an abstractproposition, which mankind differ in the explanation of, as much as they do onany political or moral proposition that can be proposed; the most oppositemeasures may be pursued by different parties, and both may profess, that theyhave in view the general welfare and both sides may be honest in theirprofessions, or both may have sinister views. Those who advocate this newconstitution declare, they are influenced by a regard to the general welfare;those who oppose it, declare they are moved by the same principle; and I have nodoubt but a number on both sides are honest in their professions; and yetnothing is more certain than this, that to adopt this constitution, and not toadopt it, cannot both of them be promotive of the general welfare.