I am told that four of the richest men in Ann-Arundel County [Maryland],have offered themselves candidates to serve in the convention, who are all infavor of the new Federal Government. Let me beg of you to reflect a moment onthe danger you run. If you choose these men, or others like them, they certainlywill do everything in their power to adopt the new government. Should theysucceed, your liberty is gone forever; and you will then be nothing better thana strong ass crouching down between two burdens. The new form of governmentgives Congress liberty at any time, by their laws, to alter the state laws, andthe time, places and manner of holding elections for representatives. By thisclause they may command, by their laws, the people of Maryland to go to Georgia,and the people of Georgia to go to Boston, to choose their representatives. Congress, or our future lords and masters, are to have power to lay and collecttaxes, duties, imposts, and excises. Excise is a new thing in America, and fewcountry farmers and planters know the meaning of it. But it is not so in OldEngland, where I have seen the effects of it, and felt the smart. It is there aduty, or tax, laid upon almost every necessary of life and convenience, and agreat number of other articles. The excise on salt in the year 1762, to thebest of my recollection, in England, was 4s. sterling per bushel, for all thatwas made use of in families; and the price of salt per bushel about 6s. sterling, and the excise 4s. 6d. on every gallon of rum made use of. If aprivate family make their own soap, candles, beer, cider, etc. , they pay anexcise duty on them. And if they neglect calling in an excise officer at thetime of making these things, they are liable to grievous fines and forfeitures,besides a long train of evils and inconveniences attending this detestableexcise - to enumerate particularly would fill a volume. The excise officers havepower to enter your houses at all times, by night or day, and if you refuse thementrance, they can, under pretense of searching for exciseable goods, that theduty has not been paid on, break open your doors, chests, trunks, desks, boxes,and rummage your houses from bottom to top. Nay, they often search the clothes,petticoats and pockets of ladies or gentlemen (particularly when they are comingfrom on board an East-India ship), and if they find any the least article thatyou cannot prove the duty to be paid on, seize it and carry it away with them;who are the very scum and refuse of mankind, who value not their oaths, and willbreak them for a shilling. This is their true character in England, and I speakfrom experience, for I have had the opportunity of putting their virtue to thetest, and saw two of them break their oath for one guinea, and a third for oneshilling's worth of punch. What do you think of a law to let loose such a setof vile officers among you! Do you expect the Congress excise-officers will beany better - if God, in his anger, should think it proper to punish us for ourignorance, and sins of ingratitude to him, after carrying us through the latewar, and giving us liberty, and now so tamely to give it up by adopting thisaristocratical government?
Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the severalstates which may be included within this union according to their respectivenumbers. This seems to imply, that we shall be taxed by the poll again, whichis contrary to our Bill of Rights. But it is possible that the rich men, whoare the great land holders, will tax us in this manner, which will exempt themfrom paying assessments on their great bodies of land in the old and new partsof the United States; many of them having but few taxable by the poll. Ourgreat Lords and Masters are to lay taxes, raise and support armies, provide anavy, and may appropriate money for two years, call forth the militia to executetheir laws, suppress insurrections, and the President is to have the command ofthe militia. Now, my countrymen, I would ask you, why are all these thingsdirected and put into their power? Why, I conceive, they are to keep you in agood humor; and if you should, at any time, think you are imposed upon byCongress and your great Lords and Masters, and refuse or delay to pay yourtaxes, or do anything that they shall think proper to order you to do, they can,and I have not a doubt but they will, send the militia of Pennsylvania, Boston,or any other state or place, to cut your throats, ravage and destroy yourplantations, drive away your cattle and horses, abuse your wives, kill yourinfants, and ravish your daughters, and live in free quarters, until you getinto a good humor, and pay all that they may think proper to ask of you, and youbecome good and faithful servants and slaves. (1) Such things have been done, andI have no doubt will be done again, if you consent to the adoption of this newFederal Government. You labored under many hardships while the Britishtyrannized over you! You fought, conquered and gained your liberty - then keepit, I pray you, as a precious jewel. Trust it not out of your own hands; beassured, if you do, you will never more regain it. The train is laid, the matchis on fire, and they only wait for yourselves to put it to the train, to blow upall your liberty and commonwealth governments, and introduce aristocracy andmonarchy, and despotism will follow of course in a few years. Four-yearsPresident will be in time a King for life; and after him, his son, or he thathas the greatest power among them, will be King also. View your danger, andfind out good men to represent you in convention - men of your own profession andstation in life; men who will not adopt this destructive and diabolical form ofa federal government. There are many among you that will not be led by the noseby rich men, and would scorn a bribe. Rich men can live easy under anygovernment, be it ever so tyrannical. They come in for a great share of thetyranny, because they are the ministers of tyrants, and always engross theplaces of honor and profit, while the greater part of the common people are ledby the nose, and played about by these very men, for the destruction ofthemselves and their class. Be wise, be virtuous, and catch the precious momentas it passes, to refuse this newfangled federal government, and extricateyourselves and posterity from tyranny, oppression, aristocratical or monarchicalgovernment. . . .
Your question relates to concerns about ambiguities in the IEP that are resulting in conflicts over appropriate accommodations. Unfortunately, because the IEP is based on what is written and how those words are interpreted, there often are disagreements as to what the provisions of the IEP mean.
. . . . Great complaint has been made, that Congress [under the Articles]has been too liberal in their grants of salaries to individuals, and I think notwithout just cause. For if I am rightly informed, there have been men whosesalaries have been fifteen hundred dollars per year, and some of them did not dobusiness at any rate, that the sum they negotiated would amount to their yearlysalary. And some men [are] now in office, at twenty five hundred dollars peryear, who I think would have been glad to have set down at one hundred pounds ayear before the war, and would have done as much or more business. The truthis, when you carry a man's salary beyond what decency requires, he immediatelybecomes a man of consequence, and does little or no business at all. Let uscast our eyes around us, in the other departments - the judges of the superiorcourt have but about one hundred pounds salary a year. The judges of the courtsof common pleas, on an average, not more than sixty dollars per year. Theministers of the gospel - a very valuable set of men, who have done honor tothemselves, and rendered great service to their country, in completing therevolution - have salaries but from sixty to an hundred pounds a year in general. The contrast is striking. I heartily wish that all ranks of men among us,ministers of the gospel as well as others, would turn their attention toward theConstitution they may be more concerned in the event than they at present thinkof.
Second, a student with non-verbal learning disabilities often has deficits in social perception and interaction. These may meet criteria for eligibility under the emotionally disturbed category or under the speech and language category with respect to deficits in pragmatic language. With respect to the potential areas of eligibility described above, caution should be used with respect to the use of the emotionally disturbed category, as this may lead to misinterpretation or assumptions about the students difficulties or a tendency to group the student with other students with very different emotional or behavioral problems, which would be inadvisable for a student with a non-verbal learning disability.
But it is contended, adopt it first, and then amend it. I ask, why notamend, and then adopt it? Most certainly the latter mode of proceeding is moreconsistent with our ideas of prudence in the ordinary concerns of life If menwere about entering into a contract respecting their private concerns it wouldbe highly absurd in them to sign and seal an instrument containing stipulationswhich are contrary to their interests and wishes, under the expectation, thatthe parties, after its execution, would agree to make alteration agreeable totheir desire. They would insist upon the exceptionable clause being alteredbefore they would ratify the contract. And is a compact for the government ofourselves and our posterity of less moment than contract between individuals? Certainly not. But to this reasoning, which at first vie would appear to admitof no reply, a variety of objections are made, and number of reasons urged foradopting the system, and afterwards proposing amendments. Such as have comeunder my observation, I shall state, an remark upon.
As it sets out in the preamble with this declared intention, so it proceedsin the different parts with the same idea. Any person, who will peruse the 5thsection with attention, in which most of the powers are enumerated, willperceive that they either expressly or by implication extend to almost everything about which any legislative power can be employed. If this equitable modeof construction is applied to this part of the constitution, nothing can standbefore it.
lst. The constitution itself strongly countenances such a mode ofconstruction. Most of the articles in this system, which convey powers of anyconsiderable importance, are conceived in general and indefinite terms, whichare either equivocal, ambiguous, or which require long definitions to unfold theextent of their meaning. The two most important powers committed to anygovernment, those of raising money, and of raising and keeping up troops, havealready been considered, and shown to be unlimited by any thing but thediscretion of the legislature. The clause which vests the power to pass alllaws which are proper and necessary, to carry the powers given into execution,it has been shown, leaves the legislature at liberty, to do everything, which intheir judgment is best. It is said, I know, that this clause confers no poweron the legislature, which they would not have had without it - though I believethis is not the fact, Yet, admitting it to be, it implies that the constitutionis not to receive an explanation strictly according to its letter; but morepower is implied than is expressed. And this clause, if it is to be consideredas explanatory of the extent of the powers given, rather than giving a newpower, is to be understood as declaring that in construing any of the articlesconveying power, the spirit, intent and design of the clause should be attendedto, as welt as the words in their common acceptation.
With a regard to the nature and extent of the judicial powers, I have toregret my want of capacity to give that full and minute explanation of them thatthe subject merits. To be able to do this, a man should be possessed of adegree of law knowledge far beyond what I pretend to. A number of hard wordsand technical phrases are used in this part of the system, about the meaning ofwhich gentlemen learned in the law differ. Its advocates know how to availthemselves of these phrases. In a number of instances, where objections aremade to the powers given to the judicial, they give such an explanation to thetechnical terms as to avoid them.
The only clause in the constitution which provides for the removal of thejudges from offices, is that which declares, that "the president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed fromoffice, on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or other highcrimes and misdemeanors." By this paragraph, civil officers, in which thejudges are included, are removable only for crimes. Treason and bribery arenamed, and the rest are included under the general terms of high crimes andmisdemeanors. Errors in judgment, or want of capacity to discharge the dutiesof the office, can never be supposed to be included in these words, high crimesand misdemeanors. A man may mistake a case in giving judgment, or manifest thathe is incompetent to the discharge of the duties of a judge, and yet give noevidence of corruption or want of integrity. To support the charge, it will benecessary to give in evidence some facts that will show, that the judgescommitted the error from wicked and corrupt motives.