2. The concept of "race," in the scientific sense of particular group-identifying characteristics resulting from aeons of inbreeding in isolation, has nothing to do with "race relations," whatever that term may be taken to mean, in the four thousand years of recorded human history; certainly not in the nano-second of evolutionary time represented by the four hundred years since the founding of Jamestown in 1607. We have the assurance of eminent authorities in the fields of physical anthropology, genetics and biology, such as Stanley M. Garn and Theodosius Dobzhansky, that the study of evolution has nothing but disclaimers to contribute to the understanding of "racism" as a historical phenomenon; as Dobzhansky puts it: "The mighty vision of human equality belongs to the realm of ethics and politics, not to that of biology." With greater particularity, Garn writes that Race "has nothing to do with racism, which is simply the attempt to deny some people deserved opportunities simply because of their origin, or to accord other people certain undeserved opportunities only because of their origin."
3. The assertion that opens Chapter I of Volume One of is altogether consistent with those disclaimers: "However one may choose to define the term 'racial'-- it concerns the historian only as it relates to a pattern of oppression (subordination, subjugation, exploitation) of one group of human beings by another."
Alfred H. Stone, "The Mulatto Factor in the Race Problem," , 91:658-62 (1903), p. 660. Stone pegged his thesis on a distinction between "mulattoes" and "negroes." However, his awareness of social distinctions among Africans who were to be declassed in plantation America is worth noting. Terry Alford, (New York, 1977), the history of Ibrahim, who is identified (at p. 61) as "Rahahma," in a context which makes it apparent that he is the same person to whom Alfred H. Stone referred as "Rahamah." Stone also mentions "Otman dan Fodio, the poet chief of the Fulahs," as among distinguished Africans brought slaves to plantation America.
79. One of the most venerated commentators on the Virginia colonial records, historian, Philip Alexander Bruce, concluded that, "toward the end of the seventeenth century," there occurred "a marked tendency to promote a pride of race among the members of every class of white people; to be white gave the distinction of color even to the agricultural [European-American limited-term bond-] servants, whose condition, in some respects was not much removed from that of actual slavery..." A contemporary of Bruce, Lyon G. Tyler, long-time editor of , remarked: "race, and not class, [was] the distinction in social life in eighteenth-century Virginia." Neither of these historians ventured to speculate, however, on why this dominance of "white race" consciousness appeared at that particular time, and not before.
70. Bacon's Rebellion demonstrated beyond question the lack of a sufficient intermediate stratum to stand between the ruling plantation elite and the mass of the European-American and African-American laboring people, free and bond. It began in April 1676 as a difference between the elite and the sub-elite planters over "Indian policy," but by September it had become a civil war against the social order established by the land-engrossing plantation bourgeoisie. When Bacon's forces besieged, captured, and burned the colonial capital city of Jamestown and sent Governor Berkeley, scurrying into exile across Chesapeake Bay, the rebel army was composed mainly of European-American and African-American bond-laborers and freedmen recently "out of their time."
This pamphlet reproduces three term papers prepared by students the Science 101 Flying Saucer Course during the Fall Semester, 1967. Forty-seven other students prepared similar papers, some equally good, on related topics (planets, space probes, surface of the moon, meteors; comets, aurora, life on other worlds, history of flying saucers, identification of flying objects, and specific UFO reports.)
A new manned spaceflight program would do a lot to restore public enthusiasm for space and for science generally. Robotic missions are much cheaper and may provide more scientific information but they don’t catch the public imagination in the same way, and they don’t spread the human race into space, which I am arguing should be our long-term strategy.
Yet American commitment continues (to the extent of five billion dollars per fiscal year since 1965, according to U.S. News and World Report, November 6, 1967) despite a Soviet edge in what might be termed "space spectaculars". One reason, as voiced by Professor Thornton L. Page of Wesleyan University to one of his classes, is that "Russia does it first, and America does it best", a statement reflecting the view that American technology in space is more sophisticated and efficient that its Soviet counterpart. Another reason is that neither space power has yet perfected the booster power required for a manned lunar journey and return, although the success of America's Saturn V rocket in November of 1967 significantly enhances American ability in this field.
Nevertheless, perhaps the major reason for continued American commitment to rapid space exploration is the conviction that no acceptable alternative exists. As President Kennedy stated in proposing Project Apollo to Congress in May of 1961, America cannot afford to ignore "the impact of this adventure on the minds of men everywhere who are attempting to make a determination of which road they should take." (quoted in The New York Times publication America's Race for the Moon, Random House, New York, 1962, p. 149.)
This would be a long-term strategy, and by long-term I mean hundreds or thousands of years. We could have a base on the Moon within 30 years, reach Mars in 50 years, and explore the moons of the outer planets in 200 years. By “reach” I mean with manned, or should I say “personed,” space flight. We have already driven rovers on Mars and landed a probe on Titan, a moon of Saturn, but if one is considering the future of the human race we have to go there ourselves.
The announcement at the close of 1967 -that the United States was developing a "space bus" (or traveling MIRV missile able to deliver warheads to targets hundreds of miles apart) to be fired by American submarines (New York Times, December 14, 1967) substantiated the growing fear that, in the words of an earlier New York Times editorial (November 5, 1967), "the arms race is accelerating into near space.
1. The two-volume work presents a historical treatment of a few precisely defined concepts: of the essential nature of the social control structure of class societies; of racial oppression without reference to "phenotype" factors; of racial slavery in continental Anglo-America as a particular form of racial oppression; of the "white race"--an all-class association of European-Americans held together by "racial" privileges conferred on laboring-class European-Americans relative to African-Americans--as the principal historic guarantor of ruling-class domination of national life.