Disability affects people of all ages. While the figures in the following charts suggest that a higher proportion of people aged 50-59 become disabled, this group also represents the highest proportion of disability insurance policyholders. It’s generally assumed that more people become disabled as they age, yet surprisingly almost one in five individual claims and one in four group claims are made by individuals under age 40. That’s all the more reason to consider disability insurance — no matter what your age.
No one expects to become disabled, yet it happens every day and usually without warning. Having disability insurance is an effective way to protect your lifestyle in the event you are no longer able to earn income.
At Share Lawyers, our team of experienced disability, life and critical illness insurance lawyers is committed to protecting the rights of individuals in Ontario, and has a proven track record of success in recovering fair settlements in claims against Great-West Life.
Use the links on this page to access informational forms and materials for Disability Insurance. To search and order brochures and forms from the EDD, visit . All are available free of charge, whether you download or order for delivery by mail.
A large percentage of disability insurance claims that we see are regarding mental health issues. Almost any mental health disorder can be cited for a disability claim, but insurance companies...
Whether this exclusion of a man for a given period, after he shall have serveda given time, ought to be ingrafted into a constitution or not is a question,the proper decision [of which] materially depends upon the leading features ofthe government. Some governments are so formed as to produce a sufficientfluctuation and change of members; in the ordinary course of elections propernumbers of new members are from time to time brought into the legislature, and aproportionate number of old ones go out, mix, and become diffused among thepeople. This is the case with all numerous representative legislatures, themembers of which are frequently elected, and constantly within the view of theirconstituents. This is the case with our state governments, and in them aconstitutional rotation is unimportant. But in a government consisting of but afew members, elected for long periods, and far removed from the observation ofthe people, but few changes in the ordinary course of elections take place amongthe members. They become in some measure a fixed body, and often inattentive tothe public good, callous, selfish, and the fountain of corruption. To preventthese evils, and to force a principle of pure animation into the federalgovernment, which will be formed much in this last manner mentioned, and toproduce attention, activity, and a diffusion of knowledge in the community, weought to establish among others the principle of rotation. Even good men inoffice, in time, imperceptibly lose sight of the people, and gradually fall intomeasures prejudicial to them. It is only a rotation among the members of thefederal legislature I shall contend for. Judges and officers at the heads ofthe judicial and executive departments are in a very different situation. Theiroffices and duties require the information and studies of many years forperforming them in a manner advantageous to the people. These judges andofficers must apply their whole time to the detail business of their offices,and depend on them for their support. Then, they always act under masters orsuperiors, and may be removed from office for misconduct. They pursue a certainround of executive business; their offices must be in all societies confined toa few men, because but few can become qualified to fill them. And were they, byannual appointments, open to the people at large, they are offices of such anature as to be of no service to them. They must leave these offices in thepossession of the few individuals qualified to fill them, or have them badlyfilled. In the judicial and executive departments also, the body of the peoplepossess a large share of power and influence, as jurors and subordinateofficers, among whom there are many and frequent rotations. But in every freecountry the legislatures are all on a level, and legislation becomes partialwhenever, in practice, it rests for any considerable time in a few hands. It isthe true republican principle to diffuse the power of making the laws among thepeople and so to modify the forms of the government as to draw in turn the wellinformed of every class into the legislature. To determine the propriety orimpropriety of this rotation, we must take the inconveniencies as well as theadvantages attending it into view. On the one hand by this rotation, we maysometimes exclude good men from being elected. On the other hand, we guardagainst those pernicious connections, which usually grow up among men left tocontinue long periods in office. We increase the number of those who make thelaws and return to their constituents; and thereby spread information, andpreserve a spirit of activity and investigation among the people. Hence abalance of interests and exertions are preserved, and the ruinous measures ofactions rendered more impracticable. I would not urge the principle ofrotation, if I believed the consequence would be an uninformed federallegislature; but I have no apprehension of this in this enlightened country. The members of congress, at any one time, must be but very few compared with therespectable well informed men in the United States; and I have no idea therewill be any want of such men for members of congress, though by a principle ofrotation the constitution should exclude from being elected for two years thosefederal legislators, who may have served the four years immediately preceding,or any four years in the six preceding years. If we may judge from experienceand fair calculations, this principle will never operate to exclude at any oneperiod a fifteenth part even of those men who have been members of congress. Though no man can sit in congress by the confederation more than three years inany term of six years, yet not more than three, four, or five men in any onestate have been made ineligible at any one period. And if a good man happens tobe excluded by this rotation, it is only for a short time. All thingsconsidered, the inconveniencies of the principle must be very inconsiderablecompared with the many advantages of it. It will generally be expedient for aman who has served four years in congress to return home, mix with the people,and reside some time with them. This will tend to reinstate him in theinterests, feelings, and views similar to theirs, and thereby confirm in him theessential qualifications of a legislator. Even in point of information, it maybe observed, the useful information of legislators is not acquired merely instudies in offices, and in meeting to make laws from day to day. They mustlearn the actual situation of the people by being among them, and when they havemade laws, return home and observe how they operate. Thus occasionally to beamong the people, is not only necessary to prevent or banish the callous habitsand self-interested views of office in legislators, but to afford them necessaryinformation, and to render them useful. Another valuable end is answered by it,sympathy, and the means of communication between them and their constituents, issubstantially promoted. So that on every principle legislators, at certainperiods, ought to live among their constituents. Some men of science areundoubtedly necessary in every legislature; but the knowledge, generally,necessary for men who make laws, is a knowledge of the common concerns, andparticular circumstances of the people. In a republican government seats in thelegislature are highly honorable. I believe but few do, and surely none oughtto, consider them as places of profit and permanent support. Were the peoplealways properly attentive, they would, at proper periods, call their lawmakershome, by sending others in their room. But this is not often the case; andtherefore, in making constitutions, when the people are attentive, they oughtcautiously to provide for those benefits, those advantageous changes in theadministration of their affairs, which they are often apt to be inattentive toin practice. On the whole, to guard against the evils, and to secure theadvantages I have mentioned, with the greatest degree of certainty, we oughtclearly in my opinion, to increase the federal representation, to secureelections on proper principles, to establish a right to recall members, and arotation among them.
Below is a breakdown of the types and relative prevalence of disabilities drawn from RBC Insurance open disability insurance claims at the end of 2006.
Disability coverage is designed to protect you when illness or injury prevents you from earning an income. A prolonged disability is physically, financially, and emotionally draining. We recognize that at such times our clients are especially vulnerable to aggressive insurance company tactics. We are here to level the playing field. We handle long term disability claims of every stripe, whether the coverage was provided as an employee benefit (ERISA), or obtained by the purchase of a private insurance policy.
U.S. companies are often criticized for being overly short-term oriented. This paper documents that those criticisms have a long history, going back at least thirty-five years. The paper then considers the implications of sustained short-termism for corporate profits, venture capital investments and returns, private equity investments and returns, and corporate valuations. The paper finds little long-term evidence that is consistent with the predictions of the short-term critics.
First. To detail the particulars comprehended in the general terms, taxes,duties, imposts and excises, would require a volume, instead of a single piecein a newspaper. Indeed it would be a task far beyond my ability, and to whichno one can be competent, unless possessed of a mind capable of comprehendingevery possible source of revenue; for they extend to every possible way ofraising money, whether by direct or indirect taxation. Under this clause may beimposed a poll tax, a land tax, a tax on houses and buildings, on windows andfireplaces, on cattle and on all kinds of personal property. It extends toduties on all kinds of goods to any amount, to tonnage and poundage on vessels,to duties on written instruments, newspapers, almanacks, and books. Itcomprehends an excise on all kinds of liquors, spirits, wines, cider, beer,etc. , and indeed takes in duty or excise on every necessary or conveniency oflife, whether of foreign or home growth or manufactory. In short, we can haveno conception of any way in which a government can raise money from the people,but what is included in one or other of these general terms. We may say thenthat this clause commits to the hands of the general legislature everyconceivable source of revenue within the United States, Not only are these termsvery comprehensive, and extend to a vast number of objects, but the power to layand collect has great latitude; it will lead to the passing a vast number oflaws, which may affect the personal rights of the citizens of the states, exposetheir property to fines and confiscation, and put their lives in jeopardy. Itopens a door to the appointment of a swarm of revenue and excise collectors toprey upon the honest and industrious part of the community, [and] eat up theirsubstance. . . .