Mary Rowlandson has a varying view of her Indian captors because she experienced their culture and realized it was not that different from Puritan culture....
Rowlandson’s and other early American captivity narratives were used to fuel the ongoing war between the New England settlers and the nearby Native American tribes, ultimately resulting in the defeat and removal of Indian populations from the areas. In these times, the captivity narratives helped to create the growing mythology that the Indians were a symbol of the wrath of God. Kathleen Canavan writes: ”The story of Mary Rowland-son fit in very nicely with this new mythology. She was a minister’s wife who . . . was called upon to suffer terrible hardship by His hand and comes truly to know Him.”
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1. Discuss how The Captive, by Mary Rowlandson, represents the tensions inherent in later Western films, especially those Simmon calls the “eastern-western.” How does the representation of captivity present a more complex picture of European-Native American relations than is evident in later films, even as early as The Battle of Elderbush Gulch (1913), or in moments from films that have “Indian attacks.” Be sure to provide specific examples from both the book, citing it, and any films you refer to.
Other formerly derogatory terms for women have also been reclaimed: "The feminist spirit has reclaimed some words with defiance and humor. Witch, bitch, dyke, and other formerly pejorative epithets turned up in the brave names of small feminist groups" (Gloria Steinem, 1979). Mary Daly has attempted to reverse the negative associations of words such as 'spinster', 'witch', 'harpy', 'hag', and 'crone'. Where she is able to demonstrate non-pejorative etymological origins of these terms, she advocates a reversal of their current definitions. Daly does readily admit that not every modern negative term was originally positive ('crone', for example, has always implied old age), though in these cases she assert that negative connotations are a patriarchal perception: "ageism is a feature of phallic society. For women who have transvalued this, a Crone is one who should be an example of strength, courage and wisdom" (1978). (In an episode of the sitcom , 'crone' is confused with the c-word: "I called the president the c-word... I was like, 'What an old crone!'" (Brad Hall, 2016).)
Males from different horn classes associated with females on each study site in the breeding season. On the open cattle site, males from horn class VI accompanied the females as to be expected. On the fenced game site, males from V and VII joined the females more often. Kudu males reach puberty at 18 months and are consistently mature at close to 2 years of age (Estes ; Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ; Simpson ; Skinner and Smithers ). The younger males (horn class V), though, despite being sexually potent, are effectively excluded from reproduction before having reached sociological as well as sexual maturity. Older males (horn class VII) also seen accompanying female groups usually also do not take part in mating activities. The more common situation that males from horn class VI join female groups does not seem to be valid for the groups observed on the fenced game site. The reason and possible consequences of this have been previously discussed.
The average group size found in this survey was the smallest, compared with the results (range 3.5–5.1) of other studies (Du Plessis ; Evans ; Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ; Underwood ; Wilson , ) which is due to the time the study was conducted. During the pre-breeding period, the all-male groups break up (see below) so individual males can attach themselves to female groups (Simpson ) and also for females this period is the time shortly after calving, in which their groups are also smaller (Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ). This also explains the significant increase of the mean overall group size from March to April. During the rut (middle to end of the second survey period), the size of groups peak (Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ; Simpson ) since males join the female groups, the calves generally do not stay hidden (lie out) anymore and calf mortality has not yet decimated this age class.
But this horn class also represents the age class of males which primarily participate in mating and reproduction and usually monopolize courtship and mating in undisturbed populations. Younger males of horn class V only secure about 10% of the mating opportunities (Owen-Smith ). Of course, a reduced number of prime males can also inseminate all females. But this could lead to later individual conceptions, since females are receptive for only a few hours (Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ). The smaller number of mating bulls would have to shift between the female groups making it impossible for them to mate with each cow during her first ovulation. The absence of prime bulls also could lead to higher rates of inexperienced bulls (5-year-old males) taking part in reproduction which might entail more failed copulations, causing less fecundation. This situation seemed to occur on the fenced game site. The consequence of both is later conception. Since gestation time for kudu is always about 8 to 9 months (250–270 days; Estes ; Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ), later conceptions cause later births which means less time for calves during the luscious rainy season, which has an impact on the individual fitness and a long-term influence on population size and structure.
Agonistic behaviour was observed in three situations. The fight seen on the 15 April came at about the beginning of the rut. Nevertheless, this was not a conflict for a possible mating opportunity but a clarification of the dominance structure. No comparable conflicts were seen during the reproduction phase. This shows that adult bulls exhibit little overt competition for mates during the rut (Perrin and Allen-Rowlandson ). Their social system seems to be based on structures of dominance. This dominance ranking appears to be largely an age-related dominance, and the ranks are established during the period when the males are associating in all-male groups before the rut begins. As opposed to the temperate-zoned ungulates, like red deer (C. elaphus) and other cervids, which typically invest much time and energy in reproductive behaviour (Bützler ; Clutton-Brock et al. ; Dunbar et al. ; Geist ), male kudu invest little time and energy and fight especially infrequently during the rutting season.
The form is also used, in a negative sense, to describe the hatred of women: 'gynography', 'gynephobia'/'gynophobia', 'gynophobic', 'misogyny', 'misogynist', 'misogyne', 'misogynic', 'misogynous', 'misogynistic', 'misogynistical', and 'misogynism'. The female sex androids in (Mamoru Oshii, 2004) are called "Gynoids". Mary Daly, in (1978), coined the new terms "gynaesthesia", "gynocentric", "gynography", "gynomorphic", and "gynocide". In the same year that was published, 'gynocidal' was used in the title of the feminist journal paper by Leah Fritz (in ). 'Gynocide' appears in the title of the third chapter - - of the film (2009).